Column: Recall legislation turns Canadian democracy into mobocracy

By Will Stos

A soothsayer famously told Julius Caesar to beware the Ides of March. Members of British Columbia’s provincial legislature would be well advised to heed this warning in coming weeks as a wave of populist activism sweeps the West Coast and opponents of the B.C. Liberal government attempt to force the resignations of its members.

Recall campaigns are active in constituencies across the province, and as of press time, five recall petitions were being reviewed by Elections B.C. If these petitions contain the names of at least 40 per cent of eligible voters from B.C.’s May 2001 general election, the agency will be forced to call by-elections in those ridings. The current representative will either be obliged to run again or go on the dole.

The recall phenomenon may not be restricted to the West. Judging by polls reflecting the lack of trust and esteem in which Canadian hold their politicians, the appeal of kicking unpopular politicians out of office mid-term would be widespread.

These campaigns aren’t new — Alberta’s 1930s Social Credit government had recall legislation and the Canadian Alliance still trumpets populist democratic reforms — the recent success in B.C. indicates they are becoming a preferred method to express political dissent.

One group of online activists at RecallThemAll.ca has facilitated a campaign to recall every member of the government benches in Victoria.

“Seventy-seven MLAs are dismantling the social and community benefits generations of British Columbians have built,” says the site. “It is not enough to organize the defeat of the Liberals at the next election. The Gang of 77 must be brought down as soon as possible.”

At first glance, these types of populist campaigns seem to be an excellent way of holding local politicians accountable for their actions between elections.

“If you’re doing your job properly, listening to the people that you represent and to the rest of the province and if you use your good judgment, you don’t have anything to worry about from recall….” says Gary Collins, the current minister of finance in B.C.

But politicians, and especially cabinet ministers, balance local interests with the interests of a province or country, and must often make tough decisions that will be unpopular with their constituents in the short-term.

In Canada’s representative democracy, constituents elect a politician not only to defend their interests in a legislature, but also make choices based on careful examination of the issue; this requires in-depth research that is presented to committees. Ultimately the decision must be based on what is in a constituency’s best interest.

If our government’s hands are tied by endless recall campaigns based on single-issue debates, they will be unable to govern effectively and be forced to campaign constantly while in office.

The public has the opportunity to vote out officials after they complete a term and run for re-election every four to five years. But at that point the electorate will be asked to make a decision on an incumbent’s work during an entire term and not just after a particularly unpopular decision.

What is popular isn’t always right, and what is right isn’t always popular. A never-ending referendum on a legislator’s term is less a sign of a healthy democracy than a growing mobocracy where a successful politician must accommodate the public’s every whim to stay in office.